Archive | May, 2012

A Follow-Up To Professor Brand

As a humble practicing lawyer in the company of some heavy hitters from the academy, I’ve really enjoyed reading and participating in this discussion! I want to offer some follow-up to the back-and-forth I had with Professor Brand yesterday. In his response to the Whytock/Robertson article, Professor Brand noted an inconsistency between the proposal, which would have the effect of limiting the right of US defendants to challenge foreign judgments on case-specific due process grounds, as distinguished from grounds of systematic due process problems with the foreign judiciary. I agreed with Professor Brand that the statutes do make these kinds of case-specific challenges available, but I wondered whether that was really sensible. My thought was this: if we assume that there are no systematic due process problems with the foreign judiciary, then presumably the foreign judiciary itself can catch any instances of fraud or corruption that are particular to the proceeding in question. Why should an American court step in? If, on the other hand, we are saying that the foreign judiciary is incapable of dealing with instances of fraud or corruption that are particular to the proceeding in question, then aren’t we really saying that there are systematic due process problems with the foreign judiciary? In other words, what is the rationale for including case-specific bases for opposing recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments?

Chris Whytock’s response addresses this point with characteristic sophistication, though without drawing a firm conclusion. I want to inject into the discussion a point that Chris touches on but does not strongly emphasize. Whatever the strength of the arguments for or against case-specific defenses to recognition and enforcement in general, it seems to me that they become much stronger in the FNC context, because the US defendant has, by seeking dismissal, already expressed its satisfaction with the foreign judiciary. 1 So even if, as Chris suggests, some could argue that there is some room to argue that a foreign court, though adequate as a matter of due process, is not as good as a US court in ferreting out fraud and corruption in foreign proceedings, it’s difficult for me to see why that possibility should be a live one where the US defendant has already expressed a willingness to have the foreign courts decide its case. I am not sure we need to attach the name “estoppel”, with all its doctrinal baggage, to this point in order to make it persuasive. This is another way of trying to make the point I made yesterday about a new kind of estoppel intended to deal with the basically new problem of boomerang litigations.

I want to thank each of the participants in the symposium for excellent contributions. I’m grateful for their time and effort!

Notes:

  1. There will be cases where the US defendant will point to a radical and unforeseeable change in the foreign judiciary occurs between the time of the FNC dismissal and the foreign judgment. Doug Cassel focused on this point in his post yesterday. For reasons I gave yesterday, I think that his case is not persuasive with regard to the Chevron litigation in particular, but that’s not to say that in general, a truly unforeseeable change ought not to be taken into account.
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Response to Aaron Marr Page

Many thanks to Ted Folkman and the symposium contributors for a rich discussion.  Here I respond to Aaron Page’s post.  Later I will comment on Ted’s posts and comments addressed to me.

In Page’s rhetorical view, the fraud in the Ecuadorian litigation against Chevron was a triviality in a teapot that should not deter US judges from enforcing the resulting Judgment.  He defends his co-counsel by implying that they are merely innocent inhabitants of an imagined worldwide conspiracy.  He goes so far as to suggest that impugning Ecuador’s battered judiciary is “racist”. Each point merits a response.

First, Page hyperbolizes that “[e]very argument Chevron lost at trial” in Ecuador becomes an instance of fraud.   Yet the examples in my post—plaintiffs’ forging and falsifying their own expert’s testimony; their ghost writing the testimony of the court’s “independent” expert; their paying him hush money from a secret account; and their Judgment, portions of which can only have come from plaintiffs’ internal files—would be fraud in any court.

Second, Page takes comfort in the possibility that the fraud was “intrinsic” fraud (as opposed to “extrinsic” fraud), and hence not a ground for non-enforcement of the Judgment in the US under the 1962 Uniform Act.  If plaintiffs had committed their fraud unilaterally, and deceived the Ecuadorian courts, Page would clearly be right: that would be intrinsic fraud.  But in fact, the evidence indicates that plaintiffs acted in collusion with the Ecuadorian court.  Because the fix was in, Chevron did not have an adequate opportunity to present its case.  The collusive fraud was thus arguably “extrinsic fraud,” which is grounds for non-enforcement under both the 1962 and the 2005 Acts.

In any event, as Page recognizes, under the 2005 Act, intrinsic fraud may be grounds for non-recognition when it amounts to “circumstances that raise substantial doubt about the integrity of the rendering court with respect to the judgment,” or the proceeding “was not compatible with the requirements of due process of law.”  Plaintiffs’ fraud in Ecuador easily meets both standards.

In addition, at least under the 2005 Act, the Ecuadorian Judgment should be unenforceable in the US for violating public policy.  As the commentary explains, “Public policy is violated … if … enforcement of the foreign-country judgment would tend clearly to injure … the public confidence in the administration of law, or would undermine ‘that sense of security for individual rights, whether of personal liberty or of private property, which any citizen ought to feel.’” Again, the collusive fraud in Ecuador meets both standards.

Page next complains that his co-counsel are being vilified as members of an imagined worldwide conspiracy that includes “all” plaintiffs’ lawyers, “including such prominent firms as Patton Boggs.”  For a “full roster of the conspiracy,” Page refers readers to my post.  In fact, my post explicitly alleged misconduct only by “some (not all) of plaintiffs’ lawyers.”  And as Page well knows, I have expressly exempted both Patton Boggs and Page from any accusations of misconduct.  As stated in my publicly posted reply to his earlier letter,

References herein to plaintiffs’ lawyers, and to the misconduct specified herein, do not include the law firm of Patton Boggs or any of its lawyers who represent plaintiffs in various proceedings before U.S. courts, Forum Nobis PLLC [Page’s law firm] or any of its lawyers, or other law firms and lawyers who began to represent plaintiffs only recently.”  I likewise do not suggest that those law firms or lawyers participated in the misconduct described in this letter. …

Finally, Page complains that US judges are apt to give more credence to British than to Ecuadorian courts.  “This sort of double standard,” he objects, “is inappropriate and troubling. To be blunt, it is seen by the Ecuadorians as part and parcel of the arrogant and even racist mentality …”

But to admit that Ecuador’s judiciary is not equal to Britain’s is not racism; it is reality.  For example, the current State Department Country Report on Human Rights in Ecuador reports “credible allegations” that

verdicts delivered by judges were not actually written by them. In the libel suit brought by President Correa against the newspaper El Universo … the presiding judge published a 156-page decision 25 hours after the hearing. In similar cases such decisions usually take at least two weeks (and often significantly longer) to produce. The defendants alleged that the decision was not written by the presiding judge, but rather copied onto the judge’s computer from an external memory device.

Does that sound like a judiciary equal to Britain’s?

And if Page’s point is that not that he, but that Ecuadorians, have high regard for their judiciary, he should consult Ecuadorians.  According to Latinobarometro, only three in ten Latin Americans have confidence in their judiciaries.  The figure is almost certainly lower in Ecuador.

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Response to Professors Whytock and Brand

Chris does a good job of detailing the tension between the traditional approach of the Ashenden analysis and the new approach of the UFCMJRA, which I referenced in my post. In particular I think he correctly describes how the new case-specific UFCMJRA grounds essentially turn the enforcing court into an appellate court on due process and “integrity” issues, whereas under the traditional approach that level of review was seen as incorporated into the larger systemic adequacy analysis and left to the foreign court’s own internal review procedures.

Chris ends his post by pleading for more information on the thinking behind why we would want to make this shift. Professor Brand takes up the subject of case-specific exceptions, but doesn’t bite at the particular question: why exactly have we suddenly decided that relying on a foreign court’s review procedures, assuming they have been designated as adequate and compatible with due process, aren’t sufficient? Foreign judicial capacity, at least writ large, has only improved over the last half century, a period when we’ve managed to live without case-specific exceptions under the original Uniform Act. So why are we adopting them now? In response to what? The Act itself has three commentary paragraphs that explain the difference, but not the underlying rationale. I’m not the scholar in the room, but I trust that if Chris hasn’t been able to find a rationale, it must not be too readily available. Which is somewhat troubling.

Professor Brand does pick up on Chris’ comment that the case-specific exceptions ship has “set sail.” I’m not sure if I find this to be a very satisfactory answer standing on its own, nor necessarily true. Professor Brand cites the wording of the public policy exception in the Hague Choice of Courts Convention to mean that the ship has “not only set sail in the United States, but globally as well” and articulates a “global position.” But in seven years, the Hague text, even though it is extraordinarily narrow relative to all judgment recognition and enforcement, has generated significant controversy and only three signatories, so I am not sure it gets to stand as a “global position” just quite yet.

More importantly, the way it subsumes case-specific exceptions into the public policy clause is revealing. While the public policy exception in the U.S. has its own limitations similar to the extrinsic requirement for the fraud exception (in particular, the rule that it must be the cause of action that is repugnant to public policy, such as libel laws in violation of the First Amendment, not just the particular result), but it has also historically played a bit of the role of the “natural justice” or “rule of law” exceptions found in other states, i.e. as a backstop against truly ghastly decisions that we all agree shouldn’t be enforced. Again we can give Judge Cardozo credit for best articulating this standard: the judgment must “violate some fundamental principle of justice, some prevalent conception of good morals, some deep-rooted tradition of the common weal.” Loucks at 111; see also Intercontinental Hotels Corp. v. Golden, 15 N.Y.2d 9, 13 (1964) (to violate public policy exception a judgment must be “inherently vicious, wicked or immoral, and shocking to the prevailing moral sense”); Ackermann v. Levine, 788 F.2d 830, 841 (2d Cir. 1986) (“The standard is high, and infrequently met”).

This is a core part of the traditional approach, and perhaps its provides that safety release valve to allay the fear, found throughout these posts, that U.S. courts will be forced to enforce seriously unjust and/or abhorrent judgments. While I’m not sure such a fundamentally discretionary system and our actual experience quite justifies this level of concern, I am certainly a fan of extra due process protections and am happy to have the Cardozo standard as a backstop in any and all situations. I think the question is whether our the doctrine streamlines efficiency and reflects the fundamental perspective of deference and equality found in Posner and Cardozo, or whether we streamline a frustrated litigant’s ability to re-raise issues that were or could have been decided in a decidedly adequate foreign forum.

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